- Israeli palestinian conflict essay - Order an A+ Essay or Research Paper Now
- The Israeli-Palestinian War
- Force Alone Won't Fix Israel and Palestine
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Secretary of State John Kerry made more progress than people think. Four, the EU remains absolutely committed to the two state solution and is a major financial backer of the Palestinian nation-building project. Six, the Arab peace initiative — which offers recognition to Israel in return for a two state deal along the lines — was renewed this year with an amendment; the principle of land swaps was accepted. This matters hugely for two reasons: the Palestinians need the regional diplomatic cover to make the two-state deal; the Israelis need the regional buy-in to take the tremendous security risks involved in making the two-state deal.
Seven, the two leaders, Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu, have not abandoned the two-state solution. There is scepticism about Benjamin Netanyahu commitment to the two state solution. I get that.
We have gone from the Palestinians refusing to recognise Israel to the Palestinians recognising Israel. We have gone from the two state solution being a fringe idea to it being the only real policy framework accepted as the way forward across the spectrum — across enough of the spectrum for it to happen — in Israel, Palestine, the Arab world, the US, and Europe.
Differences have been clarified, gaps have been narrowed.
Two major sets of negotiations got us close to a deal. Another will happen. I think we have to try. I have two thoughts on that. Thesis 5 : The peace process has been a behind-closed-doors affair, seeking a short-term final status agreement between leaders, and, to some degree, behind the backs of the two peoples. It must become a long-term popular process built on the consent and enthusiasm of the two peoples, two societies, two economies, two cultures.
We Israelis look at the Arabs not as fellow victims but as an incarnation of our past oppressors; Cossacks, Pilgrim makers, Nazis, who changed their outfit but who are in the same old game … The Arabs are looking at us not seeing us as what we really are, a bunch of refugees and survivors, no, they see us as extension of the white, oppressing, colonizing Europe.
Thesis 6 : The peace process has been an all-or-nothing affair seeking a Hollywood moment at which a final status agreement is signed on the White House Lawn and we all head off into the sunset and the Nobel Prizes. That has not worked. It must become a long term multi-stage political process, supported by regional actors and the international community, involving a series of confidence building measures that take us closer to a two state reality, not further away. These measures would not be an alternative to negotiations for a two-state solution but a way to keep the two-state door open; indeed, to improve the prospects for those negotiations to succeed at a later date.
Are Israeli political parties interested in this approach? Some, yes, but as yet none is committed.
Israeli palestinian conflict essay - Order an A+ Essay or Research Paper Now
Are the Palestinians interested? Less so. That scepticism will have to be addressed. Encourage and assist the development, at the grass roots of Israeli and Palestinian society, of engagement, a culture of peace, trust, and deep mutual recognition. If my other theses are correct, or even just mostly correct, then there is way to make a useful contribution from here in London. And there is a way to make a less than useless contribution. It is useful to encourage and assist all efforts towards dialogue, engagement, deep mutual recognition and a culture of peace.
Many organisations in Israel and Palestine do just that:. Should all this engagement involve challenge as well as encouragement and assistance? Of course! But challenge should be balanced. Challenge Israel, for sure, but do not infantalise or romanticise the Palestinians. Be willing to challenge those parts of the Palestinian national movement when they are guilty of rejectionism, terrorism, authoritarianism, corruption, and the promotion of a culture of incitement, demonization and antisemitism.
The third stage, quite importantly, was marked by territorial occupation and the geo-strategic control of the main water resources around Israel. In recent years, tactics have shifted once again to bargaining for water. This shift in the ideology of water politics has seen some promising advances for a hypothetical step towards a consensus between Israel and Palestine.
The Oslo Peace Accords of had already aimed to set the foundation for water sharing between Israel and the remaining of Palestine Weinthal and Marei, , and recent developments aimed to make the Palestinians manage their own water supplies and sewage infrastructure with the water that Israel would provide for them Amnesty International, The main issue concerning water politics is that both parties have different understandings of what should be achieved through a policy of water sharing: the Israeli government defends it has already done what international law required it to do Foreign Ministry of Israel, , while the Palestinians focus more on water rights and a thorough compensation for the aggressive water policies followed by Israel in the past Weinthal and Marei, This clash of interests shows that although water politics are presented as being central to the overall conflict, they continue to be used as a means for achieving national interests: in the case of Israel, securing water supplies remains linked to basic security concerns over the settlements that allow Israel to maintain its hold over territory; in the case of Palestine, water politics and claims of water rights represent the possibility of increasing their bargaining power in the light of achieving land concessions from Israel Dolatyar and Gray, It then becomes obvious that although water is presented as the foundation for a possible resolution of the conflict, it is a resolution of the conflict what would be needed before water issues can be resolved.
Therefore, the prospects of water being the possible foundation of a long-term solution seem bleak bearing in mind that water has been used as a cause for war and not the cause of war itself Sherman, The failure of the numerous peace accords to make Israel withdraw from the Occupied Territories, and the evident exclusion of the Palestinians from the decision-making process in these peace talks, is the reflection of the core issue that concerns the existence, sovereignty and international recognition of a Palestinian state.
The Israeli-Palestinian War
The Palestinians had turned to the Palestine Liberation Organisation PLO in the aftermath of the Arab defeats in for them to be the independent representatives of the national objectives and claims Sharoni and Abu-Nimer, , which was the only way to achieve some sort of international recognition for the Palestinian issue in bodies such as the UN. Similarly, the Camp David Accords of , in which Israel and Egypt signed a peace treaty, were far from resolving the conflict that involved the Palestinians: the PLO was still not officially recognised as the sole Palestinian representative and thus was not allowed to take part in the negotiations to defend the issue of Palestinian autonomy Lesch and Tessler, This expansion signified a clear detriment in living standards in the Occupied Territories, not only in terms of access to housing, sanitation or education, but also by the increased dependency on Israel as a supplier of water Nakhleh, The growing Palestinian dependency on Israel and the continuous Israeli refusal to recognise the authority and legitimacy of the PLO were crucial for the overall Israeli-Palestinian conflict, even more than the aggressive water policies pursued by Israel in order to sustain the creation of new Israeli settlements after Although by this time the PLO was ready for some sort of political settlement Sharoni and Abu-Nimer, , its history of guerrilla fighting against the Israeli authorities was the excuse that allowed Israel to reject any sort of treaty.
However, it would be misleading to understand water as the main goal of this operation and others alike, or to overestimate its influence on the overall development of the conflict. Apart from the seizure of land by war, there are many other aspects of the conflict that are still far from resolved which perpetuate the confrontation.
Force Alone Won't Fix Israel and Palestine
The Palestinian refugee problem is without a doubt a very important factor for the continuum of the conflict with Israel. Currently, this number has risen to at least 4. As already mentioned above, the refugee problem is one of the issues that prevent any possible resolution, especially taking into account that none of the proposed treaties to date have managed to embody a viable solution for it.
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The prospect of a separate and independent Palestinian state, which could have been part of a long-term lasting solution, continues to be rejected by Israel Yorke, The problem of refugees and the separation wall goes hand in hand with the issue of who is to keep the religious enclaves such as Jerusalem, important for Judaism, Christianity and Islam Wright, The Jews advocated for a united city under Israeli control, but it is unlikely that such a resolution would please the majority of Palestinians.
Bearing in mind the centrality of this city in terms of religion, culture and economic importance for both communities, it is a reflection of all the different aspects of the conflict, and therefore there will be no durable peace agreement until the issue of Jerusalem is solved Whitbeck, , regardless of whatever water politics each side is willing to follow. Water politics are very important for the Israel-Palestine conflict since they played a part both in the beginning and in the continuation of the confrontation until today. Water was crucial for the viability of the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine, because otherwise the extent of desertification in the area would have made it impossible to survive there.
Maybe more importantly, water politics have been used as a way of resource appropriation not only in Palestine, but also in Jordan and Lebanon. However, water politics by themselves do not drive the conflict, and although it has been attempted to use water as the milestone for some cooperation plans, the main issue remains the presence of Israel and the landless Palestinian refugees. The conflict continues because this issue, hand in hand with the policies of exclusion incarnated in the Israeli security wall, remains unsolved.
Abdo, N. Allan, T. Bellisari, A.
Berman, I. Bleier, R. Cobban, H.
Coconi, L. Dillman, J. Dolatyar, M. Dorra, A. Doumani, B.
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The status quo is unconscionable for Palestinians, while an alternative one-state solution is unpalatable to Israelis. The two-state plan has failed not because of the fundamental irreconcilability of both positions, but from a lack of trust and imaginative leadership. The current occupation is cementing a blatantly unjust imbalance of power that systematically favors Israeli settlers over Palestinian natives.
Turning fear into hatred and hatred into violence, the occupation bears the blame for converting young Israeli soldiers into killers and Palestinian boys into terrorists. Though attractive in theory, this option is unattainable in practice. For examples of the failed cohabitation of different ethnic and religious groups, Israelis need not look further than Lebanon, Syria, or Iraq. Additionally, Israeli Jews, bearing massive trauma from centuries of persecution and the horrors of the Holocaust, continue to face threats of annihilation from countries in the region and would never accept the possibility of becoming a minority within their own country.
By necessity, Israeli Jews are obsessed with security. The obstacles to the two-state solution itself are not insurmountable — the basic plan has been sketched out in countless peace negotiations. Israel would annex parts of its settlements in a fair exchange of land and retain some military warning stations close to the Palestinian-Jordanian border.